Original S, was SN/SA first, and what was it first?

I have recently been attempting to understand the arguments given by Choong Mun Keat and Yin Shun for the idea that the S collection that is the origin of both the chinese SA and the pali SN might be the earliest agama/nikaya.

Across several different threads this topic has come up as relevent to discussions but it is perhaps scope for some discussion focussed on these particular scholars solely on thier own merits and regarding thier own concerns.

I want to say in advance that i have come to greatly admire Yin Shun as a scholar and as a wise and balanced voice on the subject of buddhist studies, and also that I value the systematic comparative work that has been done by Choong Mun Keat.

I hope that no argument of mine, and no hyperbole or invective with regards to the arguments of these scholars, faults i am aware i am prone to, is taken as indicating disrespect for thier work, quite the opposite, my engagment with the scholars is so passionate because I find them so valuable as learned advisaries in a topic that few seem to care for.

So I thought that I would start this thread and hope to provoke response from @thomaslaw and anynothers who have engaged with these works.

The fundamental arguments given by Yin Shun in favour of the priority of SA to the other agamas are, as I understand them, as follows:

  1. The yogacarabhumi contains a commentarial list of topics recognisable as the correctly ordered contents of SA and asserts that this was the list of the original teaching.
  2. the yogacarabhumi also contains a desctiption of the teachings divided into a tripartate structure that suggests the tripartate structure at MN122, and this structure, the “3 anga” structure, predates the agamas and is discernable in the organisation of SA
  3. Buddhaghosa names his commentaries of the 4 agamas in such a way that the suggest Nagarjunas division of the phases of the teaching into four parts, with SA again being the essence and therefore original teaching.

I would like for the sake of this excersize to contrast Yin Shuns theory to my own theory:

  1. That the original S collection is referred to at DN16 MN104 and AN8.19 with the topics list; cattāro satipaṭṭhānā cattāro sammappadhānā cattāro iddhipādā pañcindriyāni pañca balāni satta bojjhaṅgā ariyo aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo
  2. that the original S was therefore the ten contiguous books of the mahavaggasamyutta SN 47, 49, 51, 48, 50, 46, 45.

I would love to hear from anyone who has any further info on Yin Shun, or anyone who has heard of anyone else who has suggested my idea (I think I remember Gethin? discussing something similar re the original Matika??)

Metta.

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Choong has in fact provided very specific information regarding the arguments on the three anga-structure of early Buddhist texts, not just “the yogacarabhumishastra was important to Yin Shuns thought on the matter” (e.g. “Ācāriya Buddhaghosa and Master Yinshun 印順 on the Three-aṅga Structure of Early Buddhist Texts”, pp. 883-932).

One essential information provided by Choong, for instance, is that he is able to read to the corresponding Tibetan text, and to identify its Sanskrit term, saṃyukta-kathā, for the Chinese Buddhist term 相應教 (see p. 899, note 21, in “Ācāriya Buddhaghosa and Master Yinshun 印順 on the Three-aṅga Structure of Early Buddhist Texts”).

I actually do not really see you have any arguments at all on the subject matter.

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I went through the article you mention @thomaslaw and I don’t find it either “very specific” or containing very many “arguments”. In particular I have no idea form the article what note 21 is supposed to tell me. what does

as a term, in sanskrit, tibetan or chinese have to do with the idea that the S collection is either earlier than D and M or that it has a “3-anga” structure?

Here are my notes on the article, forgive the hyperbolic language, it is for my own consumption, I respect the work Choong is doing in the comparative space and agree that his work and that of Yin Shun should be more widely read and engaged with, so take my invective in the spirit of friendly adversary!:

"Essentially, I argue that the three-aṅga structure of the Saṃyukta-āgama/Saṃyutta- nikāya proposed by him should be regarded as more logical and ac- ceptable than Ācāriya Buddhaghosa’s traditional interpretation. In order to present the entire structure and content of the Sarvāstivāda tradition of the Saṃyukta-āgama preserved in the Yogācārabhūmi (Yujia shi de [lun] 瑜伽師地[論]), I first discuss the vyākaraṇa/ veyyā- karaṇa-aṅga, and then the geya/geyya-aṅga and sūtra/sutta-aṅga.

Ācāriya Buddhaghosa explains the veyyākaraṇa-aṅga thus:

sakalam pi Abhidhammapiṭakaṃ, niggāthakaṃ suttañ ca,
yañ ca aññam pi aṭṭhahi aṅgehi asaṅgahitaṃ buddhava-
canaṃ, taṃ veyyākaraṇaṃ ti veditabbaṃ.
The whole of the Abhidhamma-piṭaka, suttas which contain
no verses and any other word of the Buddha not included
in the other eight aṅgas should be known as veyyākaraṇa."

so here Choong sets up an obvious straw man, no one thinks that the abhidhamma are an early strata of buddhist texts, the entire argument of Yin Shun, and the Japanese scholars who precede him, is that the 3-anga (or 9-anga, or 12-anga) structure precedes the 4 prose agamas as an organising principle of the buddha-vacana. So Buddhaghosa’s position is already moot here, it bears on nothing at all, any position is more “logical” than one that is obviously false.

"According to Master Yinshun (1983: I, 3, 8–9 and 24–29), the col-
lections representing vyākaraṇa-aṅga are two sections in the Saṃyukta-
āgama: the ‘Section Spoken by Śrāvakas’ (Dizi suoshuo song 弟子
所說誦, Sanskrit Śrāvaka-bhāṣita) and the ‘Section Spoken by the
Tathāgata/Buddha’ (Fo/Rulai suoshuo song 佛/如來所說誦, Sanskrit
Buddha-bhāṣita).
His reasons are mainly the following:

(a) The Bahubhūmika (Ben difen 本分地) of the Yogācārabhūmi
(in its explanation of the twelve aṅgas) clarifies that vyākaraṇa has
two meanings: 1. exposition of unclear teachings, and 2. declaration
about rebirth, the future destination after death of a disciple
(Yin- shun 1971: 520 and 1983: I 26, and Nakasaki 2004: 53).

(b) In the Taishō edition of the Chinese Tripiṭaka the vyākaraṇa
portion of the Saṃyukta-āgama is marked off by the editors with the
heading Dizi suoshuo song 弟子所說誦 (‘Section Spoken by Śrāvakas’).

(c) The extant Saṃyukta-āgama belongs to the Sarvāstivāda tra-
dition, so the treatment of the Saṃyukta-āgama should also closely
follow that tradition. The names of these two collections, i.e., ‘Sec-
tion Spoken by Śrāvakas’ and ‘Section Spoken by the Buddha’, are
relevant to the Sarvāstivāda tradition of the Saṃyukta-āgama pre-
served in the Yogācārabhūmi (Yinshun 1983: I 3 and 9), as the texts
discussed below show.

(d) The topics (事, vastu) grouped together into saṃyuktas, the
connected units for the content of the Saṃyukta-āgama, indicated in
the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī (She shifen 攝事分) of the Yogācārabhūmi are
shown in sequence thus:

  1. Spoken by the Tathāgata (如來所說, tathāgata-bhāṣita)
  2. Spoken by Śrāvakas (諸弟子所說, śrāvaka-bhāṣita)
  3. Aggregates (蘊, skandha)
  4. Elements (界, dhātu)
  5. Sense Spheres (處, āyatana)
  6. Causal Condition (緣起, pratītya-samutpāda)
  7. Nutriments (食, āhāra)
  8. Truths (諦, satya)
  9. Stations of Mindfulness (念住, smṛtyupasthāna), Right
    Effort ( 正斷, saṃyak-prahāṇa), Bases of Supernormal
    Power (神足, ṛddhipada), Faculties (根, indriya), Powers
    ( 力, bala), Enlightenment Factors ( 覺支, bodhyaṅga),
    Path Factors (道支, mārga), Mindfulness of Breathing (入
    出息念, ānāpānasmṛti), Training ( 學, śikṣā), Definite
    Purity/Faith (證淨等, avetyaprasāda).
  10. Eight Assemblies (八眾, aṣṭau pariṣadaḥ)

A list similar to the above is found in the Bahubhūmika of the Yogā-
cārabhūmi. It sets out the nine topics (九事, navavastuka) that the
teachings of the Buddha or of Buddhas (諸佛語言, buddhavacana)
should contain.

The Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya contains a similar list
regarding the content of the Saṃyukta-āgama."

This is, as far as I can tell, the entire argument;

1.) In the Taishō edition of the Chinese Tripiṭaka the vyākaraṇa portion of the Saṃyukta-āgama is marked off by the editors with the heading Dizi suoshuo song 弟子所說誦 (‘Section Spoken by Śrāvakas’).

2.) The names of these two collections, i.e., ‘Section Spoken by Śrāvakas’ and ‘Section Spoken by the Buddha’, are relevant to the Sarvāstivāda tradition of the Saṃyukta-āgama pre- served in the Yogācārabhūmi which preserves a 9 part list including the first 2 sections, (九事, navavastuka) that the teachings of the Buddha or of Buddhas (諸佛語言, buddhavacana) should contain.

and

3.) The Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya contains a similar list regarding the content of the Saṃyukta-āgama."

There simply is no force to this argument! it amounts to "a 4th century sarvastivada encyclopedia has the same headings as as a (manuscript witnessed) 4th century sarvastivadan edition of the SA, which is also evident in a (maha)sarvastivadan Vinaya.

This is the exact same problem that Buddhaghosas 4-5th centrury claim has, we have a group, from lets say 800 years after the event, looking back to a pre-existing body of literature that they have held since time immemorial, and claiming (if they are in fact claiming) that the SA is the sutta-geyya-etc. Why should we believe this? apart form the claim in the very late manuscript that alludes to it in the sarvastivada SA,and e refrence in yogacarabhumi of he same period, there is simpoly no evidence, given or inferred, that aught to make anyone think that DA or MA have any less claim to venerability than SA.

Choongs list just goes on repeating the same appeal;

“(e) These topics of the saṃyuktas, the connected units of the entire
Saṃyukta-āgama, are also grouped into three categories, according
to the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi.”

Yogacarabhumi.

“(f) The texts of these two collections, the ‘Sections Spoken by
Śrāvakas and by the Buddha’, are found in the extant Saṃyukta-
āgama. The Tibetan version of the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī of the Yogā-
cārabhūmi confirms the two collections identified by Mukai Akira
向井 亮 (1985: 20–22) (cf. also Yinshun 1983: I 28–9, and Nagasaki
2004: 53, 56–58 and 60).
12
The Saṃyutta-nikāya counterparts of the
vyākaraṇa-aṅga portion in the Saṃyukta-āgama are also found
(Yinshun 1971: 684–694 and 697–701, and 1983: I 32, 43 and 56–
57, and Choong 2000: 21–23, note 22 and 248–250) (see Appen-
dices 1 and 2 below).”

Yogacarabhumi.

And it gets even worse;

"For the vyākaraṇa-aṅga texts (i.e., ‘Sections spoken by Śrāvakas
and by the Buddha’), there are substantial differences between the
Saṃyukta-āgama and the Saṃyutta-nikāya (Choong 2000: 21–22).
The Saṃyutta-nikāya version is not marked off with a heading cor-
responding to Dizi suoshuo song 弟子所說誦 (‘Section Spoken by
Śrāvakas’).
Master Yinshun (1971: 700–701 and 1983: I 32, 43,
56–57) suggested that historically the vyākaraṇa-aṅga discourses
were at first attached to, or subordinated to, the relevant sūtra-aṅga
sections, and that later editors decided to group them into saṃyuktas/
saṃyuttas collected in a single section (Choong 2000: 23, note 22;
also Nagasaki 2004: 52).
That is, the two sections were new crea-
tions within the Saṃyukta-āgama transmission. "

So here it appears that even Yin Shun is admitting that in their scheme the distinction between sutta and vyakarana is actually introduced into the sarvastivada SA, not original, so we have even less reason to think that the original S from which SN and SA and SAB derive preserved a sutta-geyya-vyakarana structure originally.

“However, the next statement, “particularly the entire Sagātha-
vagga in the Saṃyutta”, gives a concrete example of a textual col-
lection representing geyya-aṅga, i.e., the Sagātha-vagga section of
the Saṃyutta-nikāya (SN 1). This is supported by the findings of
Master Yinshun (1971: 517 and 1983: I 23)”

Here again is a literal appeal to religious authority as the only argument given as to why we should take the poetry of the S collection as the “geyya-anga”.

“According to Master Yinshun (1983: I 3 and 9), as mentioned
above, the structure of the Saṃyukta-āgama consists of three aṅgas,
according to the Sarvāstivāda and Yogācāra traditions. It should be
noted that the extant Saṃyukta-āgama belongs to the Sarvāstivāda
tradition, so the treatment of the Saṃyukta-āgama should also follow
closely that tradition.”

This is circular, just because a particular sectarian version of a collection belongs to a particular sect tells us literally nothing about the veracity of claims it makes to a pre-sectarian original, the exact same reasoning would justify taking Therevada commentarial positions on the basiss that the Pali collection belongs to them. it’s incoherent. also I not that the whole circular argument is once again pre-faced with :according to Yin-Shun". “according to Yin Shun” is not an argument.

"Nevertheless, the sūtra-mātṛkā (sūtra matrix, 契經, 摩呾理迦 or
本母), essentially a commentary on a portion of the Saṃyukta-āgama,
in the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi,
20
follows the sequence
of the Saṃyukta-āgama, as was first noted by Lü Cheng 呂瀓 (1896–
1989) (Yinshun 1971: 630–631 and 1983: I 2–3). This discovery
also confirms that the Sarvāstivāda tradition regarding the Saṃyukta-
āgama is attested to in the Yogācārabhūmi. The sūtra-mātṛkā con-
tains only these seven topics:

  1. ‘Discourses Connected with the Aggregates’
  2. ‘Discourses Connected with the Sense Spheres’
  3. ‘Discourses Connected with Causal Condition’
  4. ‘Discourses Connected with the Nutriments’
  5. ‘Discourses Connected with the Truths’
  6. ‘Discourses Connected with the Elements’
  7. ‘Discourses Connected with the Path: the Stations of Mindful-
    ness, etc., of the Enlightenment Factors’

These seven topics (without the sections spoken by Śrāvakas and the
Tathāgata) are considered by Master Yinshun to be the most funda-
mental and earliest portion of the ‘Connected Discourses’ (相應教,
*saṃyukta-kathā) of the Saṃyukta-āgama.
They are found in the
five major sections (varga) on aggregates, sense spheres, causal con-
dition (including nutriments, truths and the elements) and path of the
extant Saṃyukta-āgama/Saṃyutta-nikāya.
These sections of the
‘Connected Discourses’ are identified by Master Yinshun (1983: I
6–12) as the sūtra-aṅga portion of the Saṃyukta-āgama/Saṃyutta-
nikāya "

So once again we have a list, once again it is observed that the “spoken by the buddha” and spoken by the sravajkas" is missing from the list, but nevertheless, without any supporting argument other than “Yin Shun says so” that this is the “sutra-anga” portion of the materials.

“Regarding the sections on the major subject items, i.e., aggregates,
sense spheres, causal condition and path of the extant Saṃyukta-
āgama/Saṃyutta-nikāya, they are evidently the core teachings of
early Buddhism and early Abhidharma Buddhism. For example, the
subject items of the Saṃyukta-āgama/Saṃyutta-nikāya bear certain
resemblances to the structure of these two early Abhidharma books:
the Pali Vibhaṅga and the Sarvāstivāda *Abhidharma-dharmaskandha-
pāda (Apidamo fayun zu [lun] 阿毘達磨法蘊足[論]) (Choong 2000:
252) (see Appendix 3 below).”

Here again we have an argument that is just as easily interpreted as evidence of the LATENESS of S as opposed ot it’s earliness, that it resembles abhidhamma (as movement universally agrred to be late, sorry buddhaghosa). This is not evidence of earliness and it is hard to see how it can be made to be so.

"Also, Sāratthappakāsinī, ‘Revealer of
the Essential Meaning’, is the title of Ācāriya Buddhaghosa’s com-
mentary on the Saṃyutta-nikāya. This suggests that the Pali
tradition also recognized the practical and essential values of the
Saṃyutta-nikāya suttas for Buddhist monks. "

And after relentlessly attacking straw man Buddhaghosa in order to privilege a more or less contemporaneous sarvastivadan commentarial tradition the author then seeks support, again in a very flimsy way, from the author who he has said we should not regard as coherent. weird.

I would like to finish up my analysis of this article by quoting in full the glorious footnote 21:

“As noted in Choong 2010: 57, note 7, the Sanskrit term *saṃyukta-kathā
is inferred from the corresponding Tibetan term, ldan pa’i gtam (ldan
pa’i, ‘connected’; gtam ‘talk, discourse, report’): 即彼一切事相應教間
廁鳩集。是故說名雜阿笈摩 (T 1579 at T XXX 772c23) = gzhi thams cad
dang ldan pa’i gtam de yang dag par ldan pa las ’byung bas na de’i
phyir yang dag par ldan pa zhes bya’o (P 5540, sems tsam, ’i 144a1).
Also, according to the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi, the
Saṃyukta-āgama is the foundation of all four Āgamas (cf. Yinshun
1971: 507–508 and 1983: 7–9 and 39). T 1579 at T XXX 772c23–28 (=
P 5540, sems tsam, ’i 144a1–2): 即彼一切事相應教間廁鳩集。是故說名
雜阿笈摩 = gzhi thams cad dang ldan pa’i gtam de yang dag par ldan
pa las ’byung bas na de’i phyir yang dag par ldan pa zhes bya’o. 即彼
相應教。復以餘相處中而說。是故說名中阿笈摩 = de dang ldan pa’i
gtam nyid rnam pa gzhan du bar gyi mdo sde rnams kyis bstan pas na
de’i phyir bar ma zhes bya’o. 即彼相應教。更以餘相廣長而說。是故說
名長阿笈摩 = de nyid rnam pa gzhan du rgyud ring po’i mdo sde rnams
kyis bstan pas na de’i phyir ring po zhes bya’o. 即彼相應教。更以一二
三等漸增分數道理而說。是故說名增一阿笈摩 = gcig dang gnyis dang
gsum la sogs pa nas gcig nas gcig tu sde tshan gyi tshul gyis ’byung bas
na gcig las ’phros pa zhes bya’o, “Because the connected discourses/teach-
ings (相應教, *saṃyukta-kathā) are grouped together according to all
the topics/subject matters (事, vastu) into connected units (saṃyuktas),
it is called Saṃyukta-āgama. Because the connected discourses are ex-
pounded in another manner by means of medium-sized discourses, it is
called the Madhyama-āgama. Because the connected discourses are ex-
pounded in another manner by means of lengthy discourses, it is called
the Dīrgha-āgama. Because the connected discourses are arranged seq-
uentially in sections going from one [topic/subject matter], to two, three
and so forth, it is called the Ekottarika-āgama.” Thus, according to Yin-
shun 1971 and 1983, the Saṃyukta-āgama is so called because the con-
nected discourses are grouped together according to their topics into
connected units. Then, according to other intensions by means of dif-
ferent structures, the connected discourses associated with their topics
subsequently expanded and yielded the other Āgamas in the sequence
Madhyama-āgama, Dīrgha-āgama, Ekottarika-āgama. Therefore, the
Saṃyukta-āgama is the foundation of all four Āgamas in the formation
of early Buddhist texts, according to the Sarvāstivāda tradition of the
Vastusaṅgrahaṇī of the Yogācārabhūmi.”

This perfectly encapsulates everything I find frustrating with this scholarship. First, it is wildly confusing and verbose, literally opening a footnote with a reference to another footnote form a different piece by the same author, then making an utterly obscure comment about Tibetan terminology before simply quoting, at length, you guessed it, the sarvastivadan encyclopedic commentary of the 4th century, the yogacarabhumi, before appealing to Yin Shun and then simply repeating what the sarvastivadan text has claimed, that the SA is the primary text.

“Thus, ac-
cording to Master Yinshun (1971: 690), these discourses may reflect
the essential characteristics of the early Saṅgha council (saṅgīti) for
collecting the dharmas or ‘teachings’ of the Buddha”

another according to Yin Shun. This one in fairness alluding to a more complex and nuanced argument apparent in formations, that the sarvastivadan accounts of the first council appear to better capture the realistic picture of how exactly the material would be recited, again, I like the argument, but it’s simply not that forceful, being from a period centuries after the events.

"This suggests that the
structure of the two versions is largely pre-sectarian. If the Saṃyukta-
āgama version had the three-aṅga structure, then it is only to be ex-
pected that the Saṃyutta-nikāya version would have been the same. "

This literally contradicts what the author themselves has claimed in the qoute above that the “Master Yinshun suggested that historically the vyākaraṇa-aṅga discourses were at first attached to, or subordinated to, the relevant sūtra-aṅga sections”.

"In my opinion, Bhikkhu Anālayo (2011: 697, note 69) offers no ex-
planation in support of his claim that “this would become a circular
argument”; I have difficulty seeing how it would. "

Really? relying on a 4th century text to reorder an ancient manuscript and then claiming that this new order proves its ancientness because it (now) agrees with the same 4th century text is not only “not circular” but it is impossible for the author to see “how it could be”?!

“This will reveal that the Vastusaṅgrahaṇī list is, in effect, the table
of contents of a text closely resembling the extant Saṃyukta-āgama”

and

“Comparison reveals that most of the nineteen items in this list are
also represented among the Saṃyukta-āgama titles contained in
Table 1 of Appendix 2 below, though with some differences in the
sequence.”

again, this is demonstrably circular if we use it to infer something about the “earliest” S.

In conclusion:

The argument given by Choong in this paper amounts to “Yin Shun says that the Yogacaribhumi says that S is the earliest collection.”
There is a further argument to the effect that “Yin Shun says that the Yogacarabhumi says that S is arranged in a 3-anga structure”.

The first argument is simply the testimony of a tradition, as Analayo points out, it is perfectly possible that it exists simply to justify the (mula)sarvastivada Vinaaya account that gives S as the first agama recited by Ananda. I would add another thought here, which is that we should be unsurprised that the sect renowned as the “abidharma-par-exellance” school, should privilege that collection that most resembles the subsequent systematic treatises is hardly surprising, and once again is suggestive, if we admit that abbhidhamma systematics is evidence of lateness, that the S collection’s resemblance to such systematics is evidence of lateness more than it is evidence of earliness.

The second argument is even weaker than the first. it relies on taking one sutta, MN122/MA191 which gives a shortened list of genres that is given as a list of 9 items in 26 other places and connecting that list to a different list of items in the aforementioned yogacarabhumi that is never really made adequately clear, before then re-ordering all the known collections of S to match the structure thus uncovered, and then claiming that this re-ordering is evidence of the earliness of S. This is circular.

I am currently reading Yin Shun’s “formations” and enjoying it. However, my impression is that it is not ground-breaking or revelatory scholarship, rather it is a nuanced plea for a greater weight being given to sarvastivada materials when assessing speculative reconstructions of the early texts in a context where western scholarship especially has disregarded it in favour of an over-emphasis of Pali. This all seems legitimate and to be welcomed, and there is much food for thought in Yin Shun. But I have yet to come across, either in Choong or in the original, any actually substantive argument that would show that the original S had a “3-anga” structure, or that it was the first of the Agamas to be collected.

All the qoutes and comments above are a very lightly edited copy from my personal rough notes on: (PDF) Ācāriya Buddhaghosa and Master Yinshun 印順 on the Three-aṅga Structure of Early Buddhist Texts | Mun Keat Choong - Academia.edu

Metta.

Exactly! I can see why you have no idea at all.

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Great Joseph, now since the conversation really commenced in media res, may I ask you to please confirm the text (s) you are citing.

I have with me here

Choong Mun-keat. (2002). The Fundamental Teachings of Early Buddhism: A comparative study based on the Sutranga portion of the Pali Sarpyutta-Nikaya and the Chinese Samyuktagama. Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag - Wiesbaden.

--------------------- (2020). “Ācāriya Buddhaghosa and Master Yinshun 印順on the Three-aṅga Structure of Early Buddhist Texts,” Research On the Samyukta Agama. ed. Dhammadinnā. Dharma Drum Institute of Liberal Arts, Research Series 8, August. Taiwan: Dharma Drum Corporation, pp. 883-932.

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Yes those are my notes to Choong’s 3-anga structure article.

Sorry about the awful formatting, i will try to fix it up a bit this evening.

Choong seems to be clutching at straws here. Most Pali commentaries have fairly grandiloquent or stentorian titles and many contain the words sāra or attha (or even sāra and attha in the case of one of the Vinaya sub-commentaries). One could use Choong’s reasoning to attribute an especial importance to virtually any book of the Tipiṭaka. E.g.,

“Also, Paramatthadīpanī, ‘Illuminator of
the Ultimate Meaning’, is the title of Ācariya Dhammapāla’s commentary on the Petavatthu. This suggests that the Pali tradition recognized the Buddha’s highest teaching as consisting in a quaint collection of ghost stories.”

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Exactly, it’s also simply another appeal to a commentary, not giving any real argument as to why we should take that commentary as decisive.

To jump ahead for a minute, it seems to me that there is a far stronger argument to think that the original structure of SN was 47, 49, 51, 48, 50, 46, 45.

Yin Shun bases his entire structure on one attestation of 3 angas at MN122 / MA191 despite, at least in the Pali, 25 of the 26 occurrences of this string are of the 9 anga structure.

However there is a structure, mentioned multiple times in the EBT, across 3 collections and in both languages, i.e;

cattāro satipaṭṭhānā cattāro sammappadhānā cattāro iddhipādā pañcindriyāni pañca balāni satta bojjhaṅgā ariyo aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo

四念處、四正勤、四如意足、五根、五力、七覺支、八支聖道者

the four kinds of mindfulness meditation, the four right efforts, the four bases of psychic power, the five faculties, the five powers, the seven awakening factors, and the noble eightfold path.

it occurs at:

DN16 paralleled at DA2 (adding the 4 jhanas i.e 四念處、四意斷、 四神足、四禪、五根、五力、七覺意、賢聖八道。)

MN104 paralleled at MA196

AN8.19 paralleld at EA42.4 and at MA35 (so if Yin Shun is right about EA we can add Mahasamghika to the Sarvastivada, Dharmagupta and Therevada attestations of the list)

So it is attested in 3 of the 4 agamas in both Pali and Chinese, and by at least 4 different schools of the early 18, just in their agamas alone.)

This is 3 times the evidence than exists for 3 angas at MN122 / MA191

giving us the original S collection and order of:

SN47 on cattāro satipaṭṭhānā
SN49 on cattāro sammappadhānā
SN51 on cattāro iddhipādā
SN48 on pañcindriyāni
SN50 on pañca balāni
SN46 on satta bojjhaṅgā
SN45 on ariyo aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo

This of course dovetails neatly with the idea that the aggregates are a later addition to the EBT, given their just about complete absence from any agama outside S that has them in parallel between languages, as demonstrated at;

https://discourse.suttacentral.net/t/are-khandhas-early-or-late-ebt/

Given the simlar arguments that can be demonstrated for the other “outer” chapters of the prose S, i.e Nidanas and Salayatanas, see here;

https://discourse.suttacentral.net/t/is-the-list-of-the-twelve-nidanas-late

and here;

https://discourse.suttacentral.net/t/are-the-sense-bases-a-late-doctrine/

It seems to me to make much more sense to assume that the original sequenceof SN is that given at DN16, MN104 and AN8.19. at least here we have a list that actually occurs across multiple nikayas, for which thier is not a much more common, muvh longer list (i.e the 9 anga) and which actually does match a substantial part of the SN collection as it is currently grouped, occurring entirely inside the mahavaggasamyutta in a contiguous sequence with only the ordering chaninging, and having the additional benefit of not requiring any appeal to centuries later commentarial materials of either the sarvastivada or the therevada.

I have jumped the gun however and wanted to get to the bottom of how cogent Yin Shuns and Choong Mun Keats alternative is before I mounted my own case, I guess they are both now at least available for comparison.

Metta

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Incorrect. You need to study and read carefully and critically his work on the 3 angas.

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I am @thomaslaw I am! In this case tho I am refering in particular to the exposition of Yin Shuns ideas given by Choong in the 3 anga article.

Hi Joseph,

I wonder if you have read Ven. Anālayo’s response to Choong’s paper?

Assessing the Field of Āgama studies in twentieth-century China: With a Focus on Master Yinshun’s 印順 Three-aṅga Theory (2020)

Travagnin, Stefania; Anālayo

If you want to criticize Yin Shun and Choong, this is your go-to source.

IMO, this paper closes the discussion about the Saṃyukta being the most ancient or important collection, etc.

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Thanks @Sphairos ! I havent but i will!

If there are I would love to hear them!

I think people make too much out of all of this, though it’s not a bad thing that the Samyukta Agama has gotten attention from the English-speaking world as a result. Yinshun’s conception doesn’t lend itself to a simple black-and-white vision of SA being the first Agama to exist. It’s just an educated guess that it might be the remnant of a larger collection that housed more than three angas. And, yes, the Chinese version of SA can easily be divided into three parts that correspond to sutra, geya, and vyakarana using the definitions found in sources like the Yogacarabhumi. The geya section is the clearest and has a close parallel in SN, where it’s called sagatha. The other two are mixed together freely in the remainder of SN compared to SA.

Something that seems to have been overlooked is that there were other ideas among Buddhists in classical times. I think only the Madhyama Agama is not asserted to be the first to be recited by one school or another. Some say Dirgha, some Samyukta, and some Ekottarika in Vinaya accounts of the First Council, which might reflect opinions about which formed first historically. Or just which became the most prominent in terms of teaching Dharma. It seems like there was an opinion that the Ekottarika Agama was the root collection. Whichever school the version in Chinese belonged extolled it as the source of all buddha teachings, not just Gautama’s. The introduction also claims that their particular version was part of a special recitation lineage going back to Ananda. The partial commentary that exists acknowledges the Sarvastivada version, saying that it had been great expanded in size. Are there any academic debates about that idea? It seems just as likely to me …

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@Sphairos actually re-reading the paper i now realise i yad seen it before but had not given it the attention it deserved.

I think Analayo makes many of the points I attempt to make in my notes.

It does appear to me now that I am perhaps approaching Yin Shun in something of the wrong spirit, and that he is more of a spiritual figure than a simply academic one.

I may continue to read formations in the background but perhaps i will re-title the thread and shift the focus more broadly to the original structure of SN, encompassing Yin Shuns views, my own idea as above, and anyone else recommend by the board who has views about the structure of S or its priority in the history of EBT

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I have to say, that despite reading dozenz upon dozens of posts by thomaslaw, both here and on other forums, I still have zero idea what the basis of Yin Shun’s theories are. So whatever you are able to bring forward would be most appreciated.

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According to the article @Sphairos provides we should look to

Y0028.pdf (2.0 MB)
契理契機之人間佛教
The Philosophy of Humanistic Buddhism in the Cloud Garland Collection (1984)

For Yin Shun’s mature views.

My impression is that the article merely reiterates a picture of development that cites Buddhaghosa as an authority for why S might predate or precede D and M, cites an idea of Nagarjuna 四悉檀, sì xī tán which he uses again to create a heireachy of the agamas with S at the top, and a repitition of the idea that the 3 anga structure preceded the 9 anga one and then developed later into the 12 anga structure.

The more complete work on these ideas is:

Y0033.pdf (3.6 MB)
原始佛教聖典之集成
The formation of early Buddhist texts (1971)

This one I am still reading, but so far my impression is that it isn’t so much of an argument as it is an attempt to paint a realistic speculative picture of a plausible development of the early texts.

The concern overall seems to have more to do with rehabilitating the relationship between early mahayana and yogacara texts and their agama predecessors, and the intnent seems more aimed at reform of contemporary buddhist religious practice than at anything really like western style academic textual scholarship.

The prefrence for SA appears explainable by the connection between it’s sytematic contents and the systematics of the early sarvastivadan influenced yogacara, which makes it of course the most “palatable” agama for a yogacara influenced practitioner, just as it’s heavy use of “numerical buddhism” maked it palatable to the Theravada practitioner who wants their 4 noble truths, 5 clinging aggregates, noble 8 fold path and 12 links of dependent origination to be front and center.

Again it seems I was somewhat mislead by @thomaslaw and @sujato and others who appeal to the authority of Yin Shun, often without making explicit exactly which arguments of his they are relying on.

Nevertheless it has been and continues to be a rewarding experience to engage with these works, I have had to come to grips with Choong Mun Keat, I am now using CBETA, something I had always been too intimidated to do before, I am engaging with a ChatGPT subscription which feels a bit like demonic magic that may be tricking me at any given point but is actually giving me super-powers in terms of my capacity to engage with both contemporary and classical chinese, and it has led me to my own picture of what S was most likely to be in the formative years of the canon, one that fits very elegantly with my overall picture of the development of the narrative prose, and lastly it has finally got me to engage with the poetry of the EBT, something that again, has always intimidated me.

Just on this, again, isn’t is more likely that the distinction between ‘sutra’ and ‘vyakarana’ in the yogacarabhumi that is reflected in SA but not in SN precisely because SA is a sarvastivadan collection? What I mean is, doesn’t it seem more likely that if we have two collections and 2 commentaries and one commentary makes a distinction that the other doesn’t, and thier collection makes the distinction but the other doesn’t, that the plausible scenario is that the colleciton was organised in support of the commentary?

gah. let me try one more time. It makes no sense that if the organisation was originally divided into sutta and vyakarana that the pali version would somehow get them all mixed up, it makes a lot more sense that they started mixed up, and one of the 2 recencions applied an ordering principle to them,

I would argue that this is reinforced by the tendancy for us to find a lot of the aggregates suttas in MN moved to the sarvastivada’s SA.

To recap:

  1. We have a school famous for thier sytematics in the sarvastivada.
  2. That school collects many more of it’s aggregates teachings in S than in M compared to the Pali.
  3. That school also has a commentary that divides its suttas into sutta and vyakara (although this is Yin Shuns claim, and a contested one)
  4. That school also has an S colleciton that reflects the structure in it’s commentary
  5. We have a school famous for their textual conservatism in the therevada.
  6. That school spreads it’s aggregates teachings more evenly across M and S
  7. That school has no commentary claiming that S is structured into sutta and vyakara
  8. In the conservative school’s S there is no evidence of the structure in the structuralist schools S

Blow me down with a feather.

Choong says something quite different.

As this table shows, the Sutra-anga portion is closely similar in SA and SN, as regards both its content and its distribution among the four sections.
There are only the following three differences:

(i) In SA, Di (~) Xiangying is located in (3) Zayin Song (.I2SI~), while in SN the corresponding 56. Sacca Sarpyutta is located in (5) Maha Vagga.18
For convenience, in this study Di Xiangying/Sacca Sarpyutta will be dealt with according to its position in SN (i.e. in Chapter 7).

(ii) In SA, Shou (~) Xiangying is located in (3) Zayin Song (.12SI ~), whereas in SN the corresponding 36. Vedana Sarpyutta is located in (4) Salayatana Vagga;19

(iii) The Xue (~) Xiangying of SA, located in Dao-pin Song (m J’b ~), has no counterpart in SN. The sutras it contains do have Pali counterparts; they are located in Tika-nipata of AN (to be examined in Chapter 7).20

For the Geya-anga, in both SA and SN the component Sarpyuktas are all grouped together, with just one exception: in SN, 21. Bhikkhu Sarpyutta is located apart, in (2) Nidana Vagga. Ten of the twelve discourses in 21.

Bhikkhu Samyutta of SN actually contain verses, indicating that this samyutta properly belongs in the Sagatha Vagga.21

For the Vyakara-anga (Sravaka and Tathagatha), there are major differences between SA and SN, making it necessary to rearrange the SN Samyuttas in part (c) of the Table. How this situation should be interpreted historically is not clear.22

So, I think ya’ll have missed Choong’s methodology, or perhaps I should say, I think ya’ll have been misled. And I think it’s inappropriate.

He breaks things down in a particular way in order to compare just the sutra anga portions of both the SA and SN.

He also clearly states:

It may well be that some of the common or shared teachings thus identified go even further back to the period of Early Buddhism, or even to Original Buddhism. However, no such inferences will be drawn here. This study focuses only on the textual comparison itself, without entering into any discussion of whether any of the common teachings belong to the early periods. One of its main purposes is to demonstrate the efficacy of such comparison as a research method.

The reason why the Pali tradition does not clearly present the three anga-structure of SN is possibly that the tradition has had the purpose of making the Pali texts appear that:

  • the entire Pali Piṭakas had originated from the first Saṅgha council

  • and that the Pali language of the texts was identical with Magadhi, the language spoken by the Buddha

But the Buddha did not speak Pali. Sakāya niruttiyā with my own interpretation - #33 by thomaslaw

Early Buddhist texts (the piṭakas) were also not set down in the original language of the Buddha first. The texts were first used other languages rather than the Buddha’s language. This is because the Buddha wanted anyone to use your own language (sakāya niruttiyā ‘based on your own language’) for his teachings (i.e. Buddhavacana). So, there are now different textual languages for the teachings and stories in Early Buddhism.

Things like this are so strange to me. It’s as if some organizing principle is the highest truth, not the content of the suttas. And of course absent some proof, we have no idea if this Samyutta was ever organized into some other place.

I guess this whole thing isn’t my cup of tea. :tea:

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