Sakāya niruttiyā with my own interpretation

Hi @srkris :slight_smile:

It’s a literary trope; there are plenty in Buddhist texts which are quite obvious.

I think for now we’ll just have to set this aspect aside and agree to disagree. I think we are talking past one another to a certain extent.

Correct. This is common knowledge in modern Buddhist Studies. Much of the Abhidhamma and Vinaya were likely after his time. There was probably one sutta pitaka equivalent-like body of texts, and perhaps some form of pātimokkha. So it’s a straw-man. What you really want to argue is that the majority of prose suttas are not authentic. So I’ll respond to that aspect.

In terms of this argument, I do think that Ven. @sujato may not have the strongest argument. We could plausibly read the text, to my mind, as saying not that these two unknown brahmins wanted to change the text to verse themselves. But rather that they are requesting of the Buddha that the community switch to versified Vedic. Assuming they are referring to a reasonable body of text which could be versified. Assuming that. Then it is a plausible interpretation. Especially because it is probably more of a literary device, as people tend to use this passage today. “The Buddha wanted his teachings preserved in vernacular language, not rarified verse.” It doesn’t really matter so much IMHO if the request is actually practical in real life. It’s more the fact that they asked if the Buddha would approve this and he said no that matters.

But I still think that it is a good point that assuming the corpus was something closer to the suttas we have in the various Buddhist traditions, it would be a quite implausible suggestion, or it seems as much. You are basically speculating that, despite the historical indications and analyses of these texts, history was something different than has been agreed upon by scholars and the traditions. And therefore the passage must be interpreted according to your intuition about history. Which I don’t find particularly convincing, though it doesn’t mean it is by necessity incorrect.

Yes, this is true. Based on your reply there are a few things I’d like to mention.

I agree with you that that would be quite difficult. But I don’t think suttas are verbatim records of events that happened and words spoken. I think they were compiled by monastics based on what the Buddha said and events believed to have transpired. Often, I think they are often summaries or “notes” of a sort of the main message.

There are a series of tools they used to do this. Stock formulas which repeat and say the same message with verbatim or near-verbatim words. Repeat structures which fill-in new ideas or loop back old ones, like repeating conversations verbatim before giving a response. This reenforces the text to be memorized within the discourse. There is also the use of repetitive synonyms, to preserve the general meaning and not to give subtle nuances with different words. If one word is lost, changed, or misunderstood, the general message gets across. Waxing syllables. Lists of words and ideas increase in the number of syllables per word. This provides a rhythm and standard to text to preserve the proper order of terms and ease memorizing arbitrary order of similar words. Common stock settings, characters, textual tropes for quotations, similes, q&a, etc.

There are also many numerical principles. Repetition of important things three times. Numerical lists. Fractal lists with regular numerical pattern. Numerical symbology and ordering.

Then there is of course the verse. Verse has metre and rules which govern it. There are also often verse summaries of prose passages which help retain content and meaning. There are strings and series of verses across texts linked together by common words, phrases, or ideas in each verse. Much of this is not obvious unless analyzing the progression of, e.g. the Udāna discourses based off their verses.

Moreover, some scholars have argued that it’s likely the Buddha himself helped formulate and teach in some of these stock passages or formulas. There are discourses where the Buddha himself is overheard repeating or reciting Dhamma formulas, such as the formula for the arising of contact and craving, which is taught dozens of times. It would have been understood that the audience wanted to memorize the teaching, so it could be presented and packaged over time in the community to be more conducive to that end.

The discourses themselves also talk about memorizing the Dhamma, reciting the Dhamma, hearing the Dhamma. There are Patimokkha rules about having people recite / repeat passages for memorization from a teacher. They never mention writing it, or reading it, or writing anything. But reciting out loud, in a group, alone, mentally, being very learned via hearing Dhamma, or monks repeating Dhamma summaries they memorized to others — these are things we see discussed internally.

So just to reiterate: they didn’t hear it once, and they didn’t try to transmit it exactly as it was spoken. They would have condensed and repeated and formulated and recited it together. Many themes taught probably used certain stock formulas that could be elaborated or commented on.

I’ll also reiterate that this has actually been studied comparatively. In order to explain why texts change the way they do across time and space, and the type of change that occurs is part of it. If it were simply a matter of writing, it would not have sufficient explanatory power. It’s precisely the fact that this was an oral tradition by people who understood the texts that is part of explaining the evolution and structure of the texts. It’s for this reason that the texts vary and evolve the way they did, and it’s for this reason that they are redacted in a unique way different than say the Vedas. The process of composition, transmission and recitation was different.

Just because it is different from the tradition you are familiar with doesn’t mean it’s impossible. I’m not saying what you say has no merit, nor am I defending that every single discourse goes back to a historical event of some sort. But there is lots of nuance here.

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Thanks, hmm, interesting suggestion.


This is getting too long to respond to everything, but:

No, that’s not how it would be phrased. This is a regular occurrence in the Vinaya, and it is always phrased as “Let the Sangha do this …” or “let the monastics do this”, not “let us do this”.


One of the principles I rely on is the principle of least meaning. To read something empathetically is to read it in the thinnest way possible, assuming it is making the smallest and most reasonable change to what is already there. If I hear a bump in the night, the smallest assumption is “the cat did it” and I’m not going to conclude that it was a ghost without better evidence.

We know for a fact that, in the time period in question, monastics were adding explanations of words (nirutti). We also know for a fact that they were adding verses to make texts prettier (chandaso).

The smallest interpretation of the passage is to assume that it is a discussion of things that we already know are real, not to assume that they imply the existence of an entire magnificent superstructure of language and text conversion for which there is precisely no evidence.

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Chandaso does not mean “prettier”, and monks were not adding verses to make texts prettier in the time of the Buddha or even 100 years later. I dont know where that comes from.

The solution proposed by the brothers is not about “adding” new verses (none of the words used mean “adding or inserting additional content”), but about transforming the buddhavacana as a whole into a less misinterpretable (from a brahmanical POV) linguistic register (that of versified early-vedic).

Only if it makes sense and is meaningful to have a rule in the vinaya about it.

It doesnt make sense interpret it like that since making texts prettier is not a meaningful solution to the issue of monks spoiling the buddhavacana (buddhavacanam dūsenti) through idiosyncratic misinterpretations (sakāya niruttiyā). So they would not be suggesting a change that wasnt a meaningful solution to fix the problem they were complaining about.

The vinaya rule denying the request is actually to prevent these brahmins (and other brahmins) from trying to put the buddhavacana in the archaic language of early-vedic (which the brahmanical tradition alone would thereafter be able to interpret as they had the Vedic linguistic apparatus to do so).

The commentary agrees that chandaso refers to Vedic Sanskrit language (like the Vedas).
“chandaso āropemāti vedaṃ viya sakkatabhāsāya vācanāmaggaṃ āropema.”

This makes sense. Re-reading the passage, it also emphasizes that these particular brahmins were well-spoken and had nice voices. So it does seem like the context is telling us that they themselves would have composed the verse.
:pray:

The extant EBTs (both Sutra/Sutta and Vinaya pitakas) are in fact sectarian texts. However, their essential structure and content, recognised in common by all schools of Sectarian Buddhism, were certainly established in the period of Early Buddhism.

So, a single early-Indo-Aryan language used from the lifetime of the Buddha for the buddhavacana is very likely an unsubstantiated speculation.

No disagreement here. Most of them are post-mortem third-party narrative texts for the most part as I’ve said earlier.

So the later sectarian canons and the diversity of their linguistic footprints have no relevance to the language of the earliest Buddhavacana (and by the way assuming you think Buddhavacana means sectarian piṭakas, it literally means “the Buddha’s speech”).

The piṭakas claim to contain his speech but his speech preceded the creation of the sectarian piṭakas. The linguistic registers of the piṭakas - Pali, BHS, Gandhari etc - were not necessarily all languages he spoke himself. Nor are their sectarian doctrinal leanings nececessarily historically all the Buddha’s own doctrine - although each sect claims their own interpretation to be the original doctrine.

Chinese Buddhists may claim the Taisho tripiṭaka contains Buddhavacana, but their canon being in Chinese doesnt mean the original Buddhavacana (Buddha’s speech) was in Chinese.

I beleive you are conflating the contents of the sectarian piṭakas with Buddhavacana, whereas I am referring to the Buddhavacana and its language as being the original speech of the Buddha and the language he spoke it in - not the contents and languages of the sectarian texts in which they have survived.

The piṭakas (and most of their suttas) all post-date the original buddhavacana and its original language, they were created after the buddha’s passing.

Early Buddhist texts (the piṭakas) were not set down in the original language of the Buddha first. The texts were first used other languages rather than the Buddha’s language. This is because the Buddha wants anyone to use your own language (sakāya niruttiyā ‘based on your own language’) for his teachings (i.e. Buddhavacana). So, there are now different textual languages for the teachings and stories in Early Buddhism.

Pali, literally ‘text’, is based on a dialect (a Prakrit) from the region of Ujjeni/Ujjayani/Ujjain, capital of Avanti, in western India.

According to the Sinhalese Buddhist tradition, Mahinda and Saṅghamittā, who preached Buddhism in modern Sri Lanka, were born in Ujjeni.

Early Buddhist Texts (such as the four principal Nikayas/Agamas) were in fact not established at once in complete structure (form) and content at the first Buddhist council.

The principal four Nikayas/Agamas were gradually developed and expanded from Samyutta-nikaya (SN)/Samyukta-agama (SA), according to Ven. YinShun. https://discourse.suttacentral.net/t/ve … hism/22540

The extant SA and SN, and also other Agamas/Nikayas, are sectarian texts. One can seek an understanding of early Buddhist teachings by studying them comparatively.

Nevertheless, the major early Buddhist teachings are shared in common in the extant SA and SN; e.g. see the following book by Choong Mun-keat:

The Fundamental Teachings of Early Buddhism: A Comparative Study Based on the Sūtrāṅga portion of the Pāli Saṃyutta-Nikāya and the Chinese Saṃyuktāgama (Series: Beitrage zur Indologie Band 32; Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2000).

The particular collection of the Pali SN and the Chinese SA is mainly about knowing and seeing the four noble truths, the notion of anicca, dukkha, suñña (empty), anatta, and the middle way, which all are the core teachings of Early Buddhism.

How are you able to state this with such confidence?
Are you saying that the texts were back-translated into ‘the Buddha’s language’ later, which was still preserved?

The extant EBTs were never “back-translated into the Buddha’s language”. Buddhavacana is simply not about the Buddha’s language literally.

So, was the Canon as we know it immediately translated in full to another language? Or was ‘the Buddha’s language’ translated into various languages and later retranslated into a unified Pali whole?
Who spoke Pali?

If Buddhavacana isn’t about the literal words and phrases used by the Buddha, is it the translated words and phrases? Or is it more things in the spirit of what the Buddha might have said.

The Buddha did not speak Pali. Sakāya niruttiyā with my own interpretation - #28 by thomaslaw

That may be so, Gombrich and others may be wrong.
But it still leaves the question of why the Canon is in Pali, how much of it was translated from another language, when this translation project took place, why there seems to be no mention of this huge translation project anywhere, and who actually did know it.

The Buddha explicitly allowed monks to learn Dhamma/Dharma in their own language/dialect. So, the extant EBTs were not used in the original language of the Buddha first. The texts were first used other languages rather than the Buddha’s language.

I’m afraid we seem to be going around in circles.

Yes, that is correct indeed!

Perhaps one day we will be able to answer these questions. For now, it seems, we know very little about Buddhist texts indeed.

I think one can seek an understanding of early Buddhist teachings by studying EBTs comparatively.

We can certainly gain an understanding of what have been deemed early Buddhist texts, but since we don’t really have any primary sources, (and the whole idea of primary source i.e. ‘buddhavacana’ seems to be fluid,) the project of ‘authenticity’ seems a bit vague.

That being said, if one interacts with the Canon as a religious practitioner rather than a philologist, these problems become much less problematic. The quest for the purest unadulterated teachings is less pressing.

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